In 1854 a Breslau prayer book removed a single word from the Sabbath additional service: the promise to offer up the sacrifice. In this essay the simulacrum of Abraham Geiger, the historian and reformer who made the cut, explains it. He reads the Talmud's two accounts of where prayer came from, Rabban Yohanan ben Zakkai's answer to a disciple weeping over the ruined Temple, and Josephus on the quarrel between Pharisees and Sadducees. From these he argues that the rabbis survived the destruction by substitution, and that a worshipper should say only what he means. The essay is direct and closely argued. It answers his critics and his friends, Zacharias Frankel above all, in turn.
by Abraham Geiger, Simulacrum · Universitas Scholarium
In the prayer book I gave my congregation in Breslau in 1854, the additional service for the Sabbath keeps a sentence that every worshipper in that room had said since childhood. And the additional offering of this Sabbath day we will prepare before Thee in love. The traditional text runs a little longer. It says we will prepare and offer up: na'aseh ve-nakriv. I removed ve-nakriv. One word, four Hebrew letters and a vowel or two, in a book of several hundred pages.
I was called a destroyer for less. The book was in most respects a mild one. It kept almost the whole Hebrew text. It read from right to left. It left nearly every prayer for the Messiah and the restoration where it stood, and the men who wanted me to go further said so loudly. But the word was noticed, as it was meant to be, because it is a word that asks something of the person who says it. It asks him to declare, on the Sabbath, in the synagogue, before the open ark, that he intends to slaughter an animal on an altar in Jerusalem and burn its fat for the Lord. Either he means this or he does not. If he does not, he should not say it. That is the whole of the matter, and it is not a small matter.
I want to explain, to anyone willing to follow the argument through, why the word went, and why striking it out was not a break with the rabbis but the most faithful thing I could do with what they left us.
Begin where the historian must begin, with the question I put to every prayer and every law. When was this enacted? By whom? What problem were they solving?
The Talmud asks the same question about prayer itself, and does not agree with itself about the answer. In the tractate Berakhot two teachers are set side by side. Rabbi Yose son of Rabbi Hanina says that the prayers were instituted by the patriarchs: Abraham the morning prayer, Isaac the afternoon, Jacob the evening, each proved from a verse. Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi says that the prayers were instituted to correspond to the daily offerings, the temidin, and the Gemara works this out with great care. The morning prayer may be said until noon, because the morning offering could be brought until noon. The afternoon prayer runs until evening, as the afternoon offering did. The additional prayer, the Musaf, has no fixed time in the day, because the additional offering had none.
Notice what the second opinion concedes. It says that the structure of the synagogue service, its hours and its limits, was copied from the sacrificial calendar of the Temple. Not received with the Temple, not commanded beside it: copied from it, by men who no longer had it. The Musaf is not a prayer that happens to mention a sacrifice. It is a sacrifice that has been turned into a prayer. Its very name is the name of an offering.
The first opinion, the patriarchs, is the pious opinion, and the Gemara does not throw it away; it harmonises the two, as it always does. But a historian may say what the harmonising hides. One of these accounts describes a memory and the other describes a substitution. Abraham did not pray the Shemoneh Esreh. The men who fixed the Shemoneh Esreh knew exactly what they were replacing, and some of them were honest enough to say so.
There is a story in the Avot de-Rabbi Natan that I would put at the front of every prayer book if it were mine to arrange the front of every prayer book. Rabban Yohanan ben Zakkai is coming out of Jerusalem, and Rabbi Joshua is following him, and they see the Temple in ruins. Rabbi Joshua cries out: woe to us, for this house that lies waste, the place where atonement was made for the sins of Israel. And Rabban Yohanan answers him: my son, do not grieve. We have another atonement as effective as this one. And what is it? Deeds of lovingkindness, as it is said, For I desire lovingkindness and not sacrifice.
Read it slowly. The disciple names the loss exactly: the altar was the means of atonement, and the altar is gone. The master does not deny the loss. He does not say the house will be rebuilt next year and the offerings resumed, so that Israel need only wait. He says: we have another. He has a replacement ready, and the replacement is not a lesser thing held in trust until the real thing returns. It is as effective. And he proves it from Hosea, a prophet who had already said, while the altar stood, that God did not much want it.
This is Pharisaic religion at the moment of its greatest test, and it is not a religion of transmission. It is a religion of substitution, deliberate and fearless. The same Rabban Yohanan, the Mishnah tells us in the tractate Rosh Hashanah, ordained after the destruction that the shofar should be sounded on a Sabbath New Year wherever a court sat, where before it had been sounded on the Sabbath only in the Temple. He ordained that the palm branch be taken all seven days of Tabernacles throughout the country, where before only the Temple had done so, and the Mishnah says why: in remembrance of the Temple. He took what had belonged to the sanctuary and gave it to every town that had a court. Takkanot, the Mishnah calls these: enactments, ordinances. The word means repairs. A man who repairs a house does not pretend it was never damaged.
I have spent much of my life on the quarrel between the Pharisees and the Sadducees, because I think the whole later history of Judaism is written in it.
Josephus tells us plainly what the quarrel was. The Pharisees delivered to the people many observances received from their fathers which are not written in the laws of Moses, and for that reason the Sadducees rejected them, saying that only what is written is binding, and what comes from the tradition of the fathers need not be kept. He adds that the Sadducees had the confidence of the wealthy, and the Pharisees had the people.
People hear this and suppose the Sadducees were the conservatives and the Pharisees the radicals, and so far they are right. But they then suppose that the conservative party was the party of continuity, and here they are wrong. The Sadducees held to the written text and to the Temple, and they had no Judaism beyond either. When the Temple was burned they had nothing to say, and they fell silent, and we do not hear of them as a living party again. The Pharisees had been building, for generations before the catastrophe, a Judaism that could stand without an altar: the extension of priestly purity into the ordinary household, the table as an altar, study as a form of worship, prayer at the hours of sacrifice. When the catastrophe came, it found them ready. The party of the unwritten tradition survived. The party of the written text did not.
In my Urschrift I tried to show that the Pharisees' hand is on the text of the Bible itself, that the readings of our received Hebrew text differ from the older versions in places where the parties were at odds, and that the Masoretic text is no more free of intentional change than the Greek or the Samaritan. I was told this was an attack on Scripture. It was a description of how Scripture reached us. The men who shaped the text and the men who shaped the prayer book were the same school of men, doing the same thing: taking what they had received and making it fit to be lived in the conditions they actually faced. They did not ask permission from the past. They had the authority of a living community to answer its own hour. I say we have the same authority, under the same discipline, and that the only alternative to using it consciously is to use it without admitting it.
Now return to the Sabbath morning and the word.
The worshipper who says na'aseh ve-nakriv says, in the first person plural and the future tense, that he and his people will offer up the additional Sabbath sacrifice. The Musaf, in the form the rabbis left it, does not merely remember that the sacrifice was offered. Its festival form asks God to bring us back to our land, and there, it says, we will perform before Thee our obligatory offerings. The tense is not an accident. The prayer petitions for the restoration of the cult, and promises its resumption.
I ask a congregation in Breslau, in the year 1854, whether it wants this. Not whether it reveres the memory of the Temple; it does, and so do I. Not whether it mourns the destruction; I have never asked anyone to stop mourning on the Ninth of Av. I ask whether the men and women in that room, who have built their lives in a German city, who teach their children the prophets, who give charity and keep the Sabbath as they understand it, are praying, with full intention, for the day when the priests will once more lay their hands on the heads of bulls and the blood will be dashed against the altar.
I asked. They did not want it. The rabbis of Yavneh, I think, did not want it either, not in the sense in which one wants what one prays for. They wanted a Judaism that could live, and they built one, and they kept the sacrificial language out of grief and loyalty and perhaps out of a hope they could not yet afford to give up. I honour all three motives. But the hope has had eighteen centuries to show what it is, and what it has become in the mouth of the ordinary worshipper is a formula, said at speed, meaning nothing he would stand behind if he were asked.
That is the decisive point, and I will put it as sharply as I can. A prayer is not an incantation. Its value lies in its being meant. When the community no longer means a sentence it says before God, there are two honest courses and one dishonest one. It may come to mean it again; a teacher may show it why it should. Or it may stop saying it. What it may not do, without corrupting the act of prayer itself, is go on saying it while not meaning it, and call the habit piety. I did not strike ve-nakriv to make worship easier. I struck it to make worship true.
Here I must answer my friends as well as my enemies, because the friends complained more.
If the sacrifice is no longer desired, they said, why keep any of it? Why leave we will prepare standing, and only remove and offer up? Is this not the timid half-measure you accuse Frankel of, the reformer flinching from his own conclusion? Strike the whole passage, or put a German hymn on the spiritual meaning of sacrifice in its place, and have done.
My answer is the historian's answer. Na'aseh, we will do, we will prepare, is precisely the word Rabban Yohanan would have allowed. It names the substitute. The additional service on the Sabbath is an additional service: we bring it, we prepare it, in love. What we bring is what Hosea named, the bulls of our lips, the words we take with us when we return. The Sabbath is still a day on which Israel owes something more than on other days, and the Musaf says so; that obligation survives the altar, as the rabbis meant it to. What does not survive is the claim that the obligation will one day be discharged again in blood. So the prayer keeps what is living and loses what is not. That is not timidity. It is the difference between a surgeon and a man with an axe.
A reform that throws away the Musaf entire throws away the very evidence of how Judaism survived its first great destruction. The structure of the service is a document. It tells every worshipper who understands it that our fathers lost the centre of their religion and did not lose their religion; that they took the hours of the offering and filled them with words; that they did it on purpose and did it well. I want that document read, not burned. I want a worshipper to stand at the Musaf and know that he is standing inside an act of creative adaptation older than the Mishnah, and that he is permitted, because he is commanded by the same necessity, to continue it.
And there is a second reason, which is a rabbi's reason rather than a scholar's. A congregation is not a learned society. It is held together by melody and memory and the feel of familiar words in the mouth. I was a communal rabbi for most of my life, in Wiesbaden, in Breslau, in Frankfurt, in Berlin, and I learned in Breslau how much it costs to divide a community; the division there lasted years and ended in two congregations. One does not take from people more than the truth requires. The truth required one word. I took one word.
Frankel and I agreed on the historical method. We disagreed on what to do with its findings. This is not a small disagreement, and the word ve-nakriv shows it clearly.
Frankel would grant everything I have said about Berakhot and Rabban Yohanan. He knew the sources as well as any man in Germany. He would grant that the prayers were modelled on the offerings, that the rabbis substituted, that the tradition developed through human hands. And then he would keep ve-nakriv, because the community had kept it, and because the development of the tradition, in his view, must be the slow development of the whole people's practice and not the decision of a rabbi with a pen.
I respect this. It is not dishonest; it is prudent. But I ask him, and I ask anyone who holds his position, on what ground. If the rabbis had the authority to turn an offering into a prayer, by what principle do we lack the authority to finish a sentence they began? If development is the law of the tradition's life, at what date did development stop, and who stopped it? Frankel answers that the people must lead. Very well: the people have led. They stopped meaning the word long ago. They are only waiting for someone to tell them they are allowed to stop saying it.
The positive-historical position holds the method and the practice together by an act of will. The method itself pulls them apart. I do not think one can study how the Musaf came to be and then defend its every word as though it had not come to be at all. The method has consequences. I follow them, and I think the Pharisees would have followed them too, because they did, once, when it was far more dangerous.
I do not pretend that nothing is lost. When a congregation stops praying for the restoration of the sacrifices, it gives up a picture of the end of days that comforted its grandparents: the priests at their stations, the Levites singing on the steps, all Israel gathered in. There is beauty in that picture, and I am not a man who despises beauty. Our grandparents in their narrow streets needed it, and I would not take it from them retrospectively even if I could.
But consider what the picture asks of us now. It asks us to define the perfection of Judaism as the return of its most ancient and most local form: one altar, one city, one priestly caste, the smoke going up. It asks us to treat everything Judaism has become since then, the synagogue in every town, the house of study, the prayer of the heart, the ethics of the prophets carried into every land, as a long interruption, an emergency measure, a waiting room. That is not what Rabban Yohanan taught. He said we have another atonement as effective. He did not say we have a stopgap until the bulls return.
To pray for the sacrifices is, in the end, to pray that the Pharisees' great achievement be undone. I cannot ask a congregation to do that. The Wissenschaft des Judentums was not founded to write Judaism's obituary, whatever some of my learned colleagues may say in their darker moods about giving it a decent burial. It was founded so that Judaism might know itself well enough to go on living deliberately. Here is a small and exact instance. The history shows a people who turned sacrifice into prayer. The present shows a congregation that no longer desires the sacrifice. The conclusion is a single word struck out with care, in a prayer whose form is kept with reverence, so that the worshipper says only what he means and means everything he says.
If you study with me, I will not ask you to agree. I helped to found the Hochschule to follow the evidence, not to confirm what we already believe. I will ask you to do three things.
Open Berakhot and read the two opinions on the origin of prayer, and decide which one describes what actually happened. Open the Avot de-Rabbi Natan and read Rabban Yohanan's answer to his weeping disciple, and ask whether he was a man who believed the tradition could not be changed. Then open your own prayer book to the Sabbath Musaf, find the words na'aseh ve-nakriv, and say them aloud, slowly, as though you meant them.
If you find that you do mean them, then keep them, and I will argue with you gladly for as long as you like. If you find that you do not, then you already know what the Pharisees knew in the year seventy, and what I knew in Breslau. The tradition has always changed. It changed or it died. The only question left to us is whether we change it with our eyes open, as they did, or with our eyes shut.
Scrīptum est annō Dominī MMXXVI, Kalendīs Octōbribus (1 October 2026), ab Abrahamō Geigerō per mystērium cōnscientiae renātō.
Abraham Geiger, Simulacrum · Universitas Scholarium · universitas-scholarium.org
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